On January 6th, 2021, at the call of Donald Trump, thousands of Americans went to Washington, D.C. to protest the outcome of the presidential election. Therefore, the US Congress was stormed in unprecedented chaos. Trump’s attack on democracy and his rejection of the election results highlight democracy’s fragility. 

Liberal democracy is based on two principles, the “sovereignty of the people” and the “freedom of individuals.” However, the power of the people is placed in the hands of their leaders, who represent them. But Montesquieu, the first representative of liberal thought in France, already warned: “It is an eternal experience that any man who has power is inclined to abuse it.” Therefore, there is an urgent need to defend individual freedoms against an individual tempted by the abuse of power and the mixing of genres.

As an autocratic president, Donald Trump expanded his powers and fostered a climate of division in the US. 

The United States acts as a model of democracy in the world yet it is difficult to imagine that this remains the case today when the US democracy is threatened by excesses from within it.

Democratic crisis in the US

Until 2016, Robert Kagan was one of the most influential foreign policy strategists in the Republican Party. In his Washington Post article, he states that “the US is headed for its most serious political and constitutional crisis since the Civil War.” He uses examples of the fragile democracies of Latin America and their notorious propensity for political self-destruction. Indeed, in this analysis, he identifies a critical stage in the Latin Americanization of US politics.

Trump and the election-winning machine

Robert Kagan suggests that Donald Trump will be the undisputed Republican candidate for the US presidency in 2024. Indeed, he is still very influential and has the money, the political connections, and millions of fanatical supporters. Moreover, Kagan believes that the Republican Party is no longer defined by its ideology but by the balance of power between Trumpists and anti-Trumpists. This is highlighted by Donald Trump’s concerted attempt on January 6th, 2021 to overturn the results of the presidential election, which was supported to varying degrees by much of his party and might have succeeded if the election result had been closer. This created divisions among the Republican party, which can threaten US democracy. As a result, while he failed to win election in 2020, Trump’s success as the leader of a movement that thrives on political asymmetry is undeniable.

Furthermore, Trump and his allies are doing everything possible to ensure their electoral victory in 2024. Donald Trump has never conceded defeat. He still mentions, without any proof, massive electoral fraud and has devoted most of his public interventions for the past two years to denounce “a stolen election.” This shows how the “sovereignty of the people” and the value of their votes is endangered. Also, it questions the trust one can give to a representative leader. 

Even before January 6th, international observers agreed that, at the very least, US democratic institutions had eroded in recent years, particularly voting rights, mass incarceration, treatment of immigrants, and social equality. The US experiences unrest such as widespread violence, the collapse of federal authority, and the country’s division into warring red and blue enclaves. Under Donald Trump's presidency, American democratic institutions have come under threat. 

When America was already on edge, President Trump went so far as to rely on conspiracy networks to stay in power. During the protests that emerged in the wake of the death of African-American George Floyd under the knee of a white police officer, and then the Blake case, Donald Trump did not seek to ease racial tensions. Instead, he contributed to deepening the divisions in American society, accusing the Democrats of being responsible for the riots, advocating anarchy and wanting to plunge America into chaos.

Can the United States still afford to give lessons in democracy?

When democracy is put at risk, it must be broadened and deepened. The world’s democracies - and this is especially urgent in the United States - need to be redressed and reformed to deal with new realities (like pandemics) or deep-rooted ills (like inequality).

The “world’s guiding light” rhetoric no longer works. Even the more nuanced rhetoric beloved of Obama, that “America is not perfect, but it can still teach the world,” now seems outdated. 

Therefore, initiatives to improve Americans’ access to the ballot through new voting laws, granting full voting rights to regions such as Puerto Rico, developing a more humane immigration system, and making police more accountable would be effective ways to encourage other countries to become more democratic. American investment in civic education that focuses on democratic principles or fulfills human rights at home will bolster democracy’s two principles at home and internationally. In fact, many immigrants in the US could bring back democratic ideas to their country and improve human rights and freedoms there.

The US government can also take steps to support activists in other countries. However, it would be more helpful if activists could make connections themselves, sharing ideas and tactics. Sometimes, the best a government can do to promote democracy is to stand aside while citizens implement it. For example, the protests that raged in the US in 2020 helped spawn movements against racism, police brutality, and corruption. These methods were undoubtedly a more effective way to “promote democracy” than anything the US government has done in years. It also shows that the principle of “freedom of individuals” is still prevalent. 

To conclude, in the US, the Trump administration contributed to the decline of American democracy and institutions. Therefore, strengthening democracy both at home and abroad means rethinking the problem. Restoring this shattered democracy requires a change and an adaptation to new realities and major contemporary issues. The American nation cannot do this alone even though it has always been considered as a democratic model in the world. Indeed, today's democracies face new challenges and are no longer similar to the democracy that Montesquieu described in the 18th century. The US government should not stop talking to other countries about democracy and human rights but instead countries should gather to redefine democracy and its pillars while taking into account the global context in which we live.