Gen-Z Protests: A New Era of Digital Activism
In November 2025, Mexico was added to the ever-growing list of nations entrenched in a movement dubbed “Gen-Z protests”. Named after the generation born from the late 1990s to the 2000s leading the movement, Gen-Z protests have swept the globe, achieving widespread success despite variations in policies that trigger Gen-Z protests. The rise of Gen-Z ‘revolutions’ on a global scale points to a unified front of youth activists concerned about their respective governments’ inability to provide fundamental services and uphold universal human rights.
Although the origin of youth-led protests is contested, some historians attribute it back to the role of the Sons of Liberty in the lead-up to the American Civil-War. However, Gen-Z protests are distinct from historic youth protests in terms of their scale and intensity. For the first time in history, students and young adults have organized at a truly global level, mainly due to the prevalence of social media and readily accessible digital communication technologies. Drawing from the success of the youth-led Arab Spring of 2011, where young protestors took to the streets across the globe, demanding reforms.
Bangladesh
The first demonstration officially associated with the Gen-Z movement unfolded in the streets of Dhaka, the Bangladeshi capital, in July of 2024. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina faced a significant loss of political legitimacy after 15 years of her “Iron Grip” on power. Her loss in popularity was attributed to high-profile corruption, authoritarianism, and extra-judicial killings. Mounting discontent reached a tipping point when Prime Minister Hasina directed the High Court to rule in favor of a highly contested quota on public service jobs.
In reaction, thousands of student protestors flooded the streets. Protestors increased exponentially after the release of a viral video depicting student Abu Sayed being beaten and shot at close range. Social media played a crucial role in the circulation of this video and other videos that followed, also serving as a forum through which students coordinated protests. Prime Minister Hasina reacted to the widespread protests by ordering the use of lethal force against protestors, resulting in over 1400 deaths. Hasina has since been convicted of crimes against humanity and sentenced to the death penalty.
Although the protestors' victory came at an exorbitant cost, they successfully overthrew Prime Minister Hasina’s dictatorial government, installing in her place Nobel Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus. The success of Bangladeshi students instilled optimism among frustrated youth worldwide and served as a model for future Gen-Z protests.
Nepal
More than a year after Bangladesh’s “July Revolution,” Nepali students took to the streets after their neighbors to the Southwest and mounted massive protests against an outdated and dysfunctional government. Nepali politicians have been repeatedly convicted of corruption and exploitation of state resources. They also suffered from low popular legitimacy among poorer populations due to photos released by Saugat Thapa, the son of a provincial minister, boasting a Christmas tree-shaped pile of boxes of designer apparel brands. In contrast, 20% of the population lives below the poverty line.
On September 4, the government suspended most social media platforms, generating outrage from activists, claiming it was a cover-up for Nepali politicians’ lavish lifestyles on display on various social media platforms. The response was fierce. Thousands of protestors gathered in the streets of Kathmandu on September 8 to oppose government corruption. These demonstrations turned violent as students swarming the parliament building were met with deadly force.
The resulting death of 19 protestors triggered some of the most ferocious riots the region had ever seen. The estimated damage totaled 25 billion Nepali rupees (approximately USD$266 million) as the Parliament Building, the Supreme Court Building, and the Singha Durbar Government Complex went up in flames. Although this violent revolution was not what its organizers intended, Gen-Z demonstrations achieved the unimaginable: they toppled Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s regime. They elected the new Interim Prime Minister, former judge Sushila Karki, via a massive online platform. Karki vowed to address Nepal’s corruption problem and to work in partnership with Gen-Z to support the youth’s objectives.
Madagascar
Across the Indian Ocean, Malagasy students used the international acclaim generated by Nepal’s Gen-Z victory to mount demonstrations of their own. Madagascar ranks as the fifth-poorest country in the world in terms of GDP per capita and is also one of the most corrupt. Its burgeoning population only worsens the lack of capital and resources, pushing the nation further into impoverishment.
In late September, regular hours-long water and power outages sparked peaceful protests in Madagascar’s capital, Antananarivo. These demonstrations were organized by a group self-identifying as Gen-Z Madagascar, communicating over Discord and Signal. After nearly 3 weeks of protest, the military unit Capsat joined Gen-Z Madagascar’s cause, guiding them to the symbolic Place du 13 Mai, where 40 students were killed by police in 1972. President Andry Rajoelina fled the country, to be replaced by Gen-Z-backed Capsat Col. Michael Randrianirina.
Unlike the violent protests in Nepal and Bangladesh, the Malagasy regime change was only possible due to military intervention. As a result, rather than holding general elections for the new head of state, President Randrianirina was automatically granted the presidency due to his role as the head of Capsat. The result is evident: rather than being accountable to the will of the people, President Radrianirina has been free to pursue his own policy objectives. He was quick to demonstrate his unchecked power by naming the new Prime Minister in a manner deemed “non-transparent” and “without consultation.”
Analyzing the Gen-Z Model
Since Bangladesh’s student-led regime change, nearly a dozen other Gen-Z protests have unfolded in countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Serbia, and others. Many similarities can be drawn between the various demonstrations. First, and most importantly, is the use of digital platforms. Whether in circulating photos and videos on Instagram and Facebook, or coordinating protests on Signal and Discord, social media has been critical to the Gen-Z cause. Another similarity can be found in the decentralized nature of Gen-Z demonstrations. With the possible exception of Nepal, Gen-Z “revolutions” have not been directed by any particular leader or group. Instead, they rely on massive-scale collaboration to organize their operations.
The government policies protested by students also bear stark similarities. Corruption, restrictions on free speech, and the inequitable distribution of resources are standard themes most Gen-Z movements protest against. Across the board, inequality and injustice have been at the heart of these student demonstrations.
However, Gen-Z protests may not be as transformative as the internet has led people to believe. Already, young people are outraged at the policies of Bangladesh’s interim government, arguing it has failed to deliver on anti-corruption and economic reforms. Hami Nepal, the organizing group for the Nepali uprising, claims to have been sidelined by Prime Minister Karki’s government. As previously mentioned, Malagasy activists are not impressed with the interim president’s choice of Prime Minister and Cabinet.
Some argue that Gen-Z’s inherently decentralized command does not provide the clear political structure necessary for long-lasting and meaningful reform. Others claim that the same digital platform that students used to mobilize can be used by malicious governments to splinter movements and turn groups against one another.
Despite its critiques, Gen-Z demonstrations have garnered excitement and optimism from younger generations worldwide. Suppose activist groups can effectively organize internally and prevent division. In that case, Gen-Z may be capable of propelling meaningful policy change in a world where youth suffer from outdated political systems that no longer protect many of their fundamental human rights.
Edited by Aren Bedros.